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"This book explains how grassroots communities are infiltrated and politically co-opted in ways that render their resistance harmless. It reveals contemporary practices of domination, as powerholding elites - from elected officials to welfare bureaucrats - are teaching oppressed people to internalize their grievances and silence their needs. In the end, politics becomes a space where advocating for social justice makes less and less sense to people. It is therefore explaining the politics of inaction through disengagement from radicalism. It considers multiple sites of resistance to police violence, including the police killing Akai Gurley, Freddie Gray, and Korryn Gaines in particular. It also considers the mass protest associated with the wider Movement for Black Lives (M4BL). The book argues that anti-radicalism is an embedded feature of neoliberalism, that the widespread adoption of neoliberal politics has reinforced ongoing racial and gender oppressions, and that these same oppressed communities are being infiltrated in order to minimize their commitments to radical political resistance. Covering multiple sites and methods - from in-depth interviews on the resistance politics of Black welfare recipients in Chicago, to nationally representative survey data on hard-work beliefs in politics and the labor force, and case study analyses of police violence in Baltimore and New York - the book shows how political domination today is about ensnaring minds, constraining imaginations, and upending resistance. With the creation of the invisible weapons framework, future research can better explain sites of political disengagement and the connection to the erosion of whatever remains of democracy in the U.S"--

Radicalism --- Social movements --- Neoliberalism

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Identifies the mechanisms that explicitly link radical religious beliefs and radical actions. The book describes its nature, singles out the mechanisms that enable radicalism to produce its effects, and develops a conceptual architecture to help scholars and policy-makers to address and evaluate radicalism - or what often passes as such.

Radicalism --- Religious aspects.

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The present qualitative interview study has set itself the task of reappraising the developments from the emergence to the official ban of the German-speaking Islamic Circle (DIK) and the associated mosque. In order to approach the question of how it was possible for a radical Islamic mosque to emerge and establish itself in the middle of Hildesheim's Nordstadt, we use the "hotbed" approach1 as a basis for analysis. According to this approach, the geographic distribution of the places of origin of those who left to fight in IS territory is by no means evenly distributed; rather, certain places or neighborhoods stand out in which recurring factors that condition radicalization can be identified.To examine why the now-banned Hildesheim mosque association around the convicted "IS chief recruiter" in Germany, Ahmad A. alias "Abu Walaa," became a hotbed, we conducted a total of nine interviews in the spring and summer of 2021. We spoke with members of the local Muslim community and former visitors of the DIK mosque, non-Muslim persons living in the immediate vicinity of the mosque, as well as with representatives of authorities, institutions and civil society institutions. The empirical material is supplemented by an analysis of Abu Walaa's social media content, in particular his Telegram channels, as well as by recordings of various court hearings of the criminal trial against Abu Walaa that we attended.Translated with www.DeepL.com/Translator (free version).

Radicalism --- Religious aspects --- Islam.

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Through a critique of Left realism, culturalism, and pessimism from the standpoint of heterodox Marxism and Black radicalism, Gary Wilder insists that we place questions of solidarity and temporality at the center of Left political thinking. He makes a bold case for embracing a concrete utopian politics of the possible-impossible adequate to current planetary crises.

Social change. --- Utopias. --- Radicalism.

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The present qualitative interview study has set itself the task of reappraising the developments from the emergence to the official ban of the German-speaking Islamic Circle (DIK) and the associated mosque. In order to approach the question of how it was possible for a radical Islamic mosque to emerge and establish itself in the middle of Hildesheim's Nordstadt, we use the "hotbed" approach1 as a basis for analysis. According to this approach, the geographic distribution of the places of origin of those who left to fight in IS territory is by no means evenly distributed; rather, certain places or neighborhoods stand out in which recurring factors that condition radicalization can be identified.To examine why the now-banned Hildesheim mosque association around the convicted "IS chief recruiter" in Germany, Ahmad A. alias "Abu Walaa," became a hotbed, we conducted a total of nine interviews in the spring and summer of 2021. We spoke with members of the local Muslim community and former visitors of the DIK mosque, non-Muslim persons living in the immediate vicinity of the mosque, as well as with representatives of authorities, institutions and civil society institutions. The empirical material is supplemented by an analysis of Abu Walaa's social media content, in particular his Telegram channels, as well as by recordings of various court hearings of the criminal trial against Abu Walaa that we attended.Translated with www.DeepL.com/Translator (free version)

Society & social sciences --- islamism --- radicalism --- Germany --- Hildesheim